Deprived of opportunities for advancement in mainstream society, [black ghetto] teenagers elevate their personal style into a philosophy of life. Their exemplars are pimps and gangsters.... Gangs develop to bolster self-identity through psychological control of the streets; hip "threads" and "freaked out" cars also serve as outward signs of inner creativity. Both sexes consider coitus ("doin' the do") a natural and desirable part of adolescence; soft drugs, primarily marijuana ("tea"), also offer a temporary alternative to the harsh reality of ghetto existence. But embracing all of these is the vernacular itself - in its grace, flexibility, and strength it is a valuable tool for "gettin' down," for "blowin' fire," ultimately for staying alive... (Anderson 1981:233-234).

Edith A Folb is a white woman who threw herself into the depths of one of America's most notorious ghettos for nearly nine years of fieldwork on the language and culture of African-American teenagers. She left the University of California, Los Angeles in 1964, midway through an increasingly dissatisfying Ph.D. program, to involve herself in a variety of community-based activities in the hopes of determining the future course of her life. After two years of working amongst the predominantly black inhabitants of South Central Los Angeles, Folb returned to school with a better subject of focus for her studies. She had found her calling in the last place most people would think to look; in the heart of the ghetto. "So, in 1967, [she] began the systematic study of black teenage vernacular vocabulary" (Folb 1980:viii).

In 1980, Edith A. Folb's first book, runnin' down some lines: the language and culture of black teenagers, was published. The book is based on her extensive first-hand research on the teens of South Central. She spent over eight years operating within the community, interviewing many teens and conversing less formerly with countless others. Folb feels that these youths are representative of an aspect of American society both disregarded and misunderstood by the white majority. She even goes as far as to refer to the ghetto as a "country" of its own within the boundaries of the United States (Folb 1980:2). Her goal is to shed some light on the otherwise dark subject of inner city culture. Folb believes that the manner in which the teens of South Central speak may "tell those who would listen what it means to be young and black and live in a ghetto community" (Folb 1980:4).

To open the book, she describes her experiences as a white female participant observer in an area where both white females and either of the words participant or observer are highly uncommon. As the book progresses, she explains how studying the teens' vocabulary serves as a means of examining their lifestyles. The book has chapters on "name terms in the black community", street sense and values, "male-female interaction", drugs in the community, and "the dynamic nature of black teen jargon" (Baugh 1981:475-476). Although she may lack substantial evidence for some of her conclusions and empirical evidence for some of her generalizations (Scott 1981:189), the book does present the reader with an interesting analysis of the African-American teenagers of South Central Los Angeles. In defining her goal, Folb writes: "It is my hope that this book will begin to acknowledge the significance of lexicon in understanding a groups concerns, values, and expectations" (Folb 1980:4).

Give me a black goddess sister I can't resist her. No stringy haired, blonde hair, blue eyed, pale skinned buttermilk complexion. Grafted, recessive, depressive, ironing board backside straight up and straight down. No frills, no thrills, Miss six o'clock, subject to have the itch, mutanoid, caucazoid, white cave bitch... (Ice Cube 1993).

As the words of Dr. Khalid Muhammed from rapper Ice Cube's 1993 song Cave Bitch indicate, the white woman is not the most sought after or respected individual in South Central Los Angeles. Ice Cube, or O'Shea Jackson to his friends (Hobson 1997:1), is one of the many rappers in the music industry who have claimed South Central as their stomping ground of old, therefore his feelings may reflect those of the some of the teens involved in Folb's study. Especially since runnin' down some lines is a book about "black teenagers between the ages of fifteen and twenty who live primarily in the South Central Los Angeles black community and its immediate environs" (Folb 1980:2); a group likely to be familiar with the likes of Ice Cube. No matter how ignorant one may be of lexicography, Muhammed's message should be easily deciphered as a negative statement concerning white women. Folb was well aware of the "intruder" label that she would surely sport the moment she stepped on her subjects' "turf". She explains her concern as follows: "I was white, I was female, and I was asking personal questions of residents in the community. That description fits any number of white 'intruders,' including social workers, parole officers, teachers, or the police" (Folb 1980:9-10). However, in order to pursue her goal of better understanding black ghetto teens, she was going to have to face the adversity and earn their trust.

Fortunately, the work she had done during her time out of school lessened the weight of this task greatly. It was those earlier efforts within the community that got her foot in the door. From there, she simply spoke to anyone who would listen concerning who she was and why she was there. "The success of this honest field strategy is further confirmed by the frank and colloquial nature of the data presented throughout the book" (Baugh 1981:475). Folb held three hundred interviews; half of which were taped, with the other half being quickly transcribed. These recorded "voices" serve as the basis for her research and "[tell] a vivid story for those who would listen" (Folb 1980:15).

I'm a cold player, I can't lie. They call me Playboy $hort, and I told you why. I'm a mack, so get back. I put my tape in the deck in my Cadillac. Makin' people dance all over the floor. Lovin' that rapper named Sir Too $hort. You got my bank, little girl, no time to act silly. I'm dynamite, baby, and my name ain't Willy (Too $hort 1989).

When it comes to name terms or identity labels, the voices in question transcend the boundaries of those names imposed upon us at birth. Less formal names are often and expression of an individual's personal characteristics.

These name terms or identity markers are used to characterize a person's perceived behavior, appearance, or relationship to the speaker. Because they are not permanent labels and because they are intimately tied up with personal perceptions, they tell us a great deal about the attitudes, expectations, and values of those who use them (Folb 1980:18-19).

Such name terms could serve to negatively characterize people in the form of a racial or ethnic slur, or by calling to attention a weakness in their personality. They may also positively characterize acquaintances in terms of friendship, sexuality, or mutual racial identity (Folb 1980:19-20).

Attaching family-related names to those outside one's immediate or extended family is a sign of camaraderie. Folb sees this practice as a reflection of Roger D. Abrahams' notion that while the white middle class family teaches their children the beliefs of the nuclear family model of staying off the streets and developing meaningful relationships with a limited number of their peers, the "black mothers teach their children to get out of the home and onto the streets...to develop relationships of a conventional nature with a potentially large number of their peers" (Abrahams 1963:18). This larger number of peers acts as a super-extended family, watching over the younger children and providing them with a more varied, although typically ethnocentric, social education. Hence the references to one's peers as one's "brothers" and "sisters". Folb feels that this notion of the widely extended family is the source of strong bonds within black communities wherein members will use the expressions "blood", "folks", and "their people" to refer to the figurative "black family" (Folb 1980:26). Needless to say, the name one uses to characterize another is representative of their feelings towards that person.

But for now, it's just a big dream, 'cause I find myself in the place where I'm last seen. My thoughts must be relaxed. Be able to maintain, 'cause times 'is changed and life is strange. The glorious days 'is gone, and everybody's doin' bad. 'Yo, mad lives 'is up for grabs. Brothers, passin' away, I gotta' make wakes. Receivin' all types of calls from upstate. 'Yo, I can't cope with the pressure. Settlin' for lesser. The god left lessons on my dresser (Wu-Tang Clan 1993).

For many, the ghetto mentality revolves heavily around the principles of every man/woman for him/herself. Due to the fact that everyone is in a very poor economic situation, there is an understandably universal striving for something better. This philosophy is a critical aspect of the horrors of the ghetto, and it directly contradicts the impression of the well-adhered figurative "black family". One of Folb's most intimate subjects described the phenomena to her one night over a glass of wine. "Like the Golden Rule say, 'Do onto others like they do you' else 'Do onto others before they do you'.... 'Do onto others, den split!'" (Folb 1980:70). This manipulation of others must not necessarily be hostile or antagonistic, but it often may be. Taking advantage of another human being, be it physically, mentally, emotionally, or financially, can serve as a tremendous source of power for the black teens of the inner city. "[The] vernacular expressions to game someone or to run a game on someone - to outwit, outsmart, or outdo another - convey the sense of contest and the power plays implicit in much teenage behavior" (Folb 1980:71).

Folb is quick to point out that the word power holds many meanings. It could mean the ability to perform or produce, or it could mean the ability to control or direct others on an interpersonal level. In a capitalistic society, power is money and the control of property. Power might also refer to the control of human beings, be it governance of other people's physical, psychological, or emotional well-being or the maintenance of one's own self-control (Folb 1980:72). This emphasis on greater power forms the basis of gang activity. The teens in South Central know where they may and may not venture, who they may or may not speak to or about, and even what types of clothes that they may or may not wear. There was a time in the South Central region where people were being shot or stabbed at an alarming rate for wearing the wrong colours in the wrong neighbourhood.

Folb refers to each person's struggle for a better personal image, or "style", on page 109 of runnin' down some lines under the subtitle "The Professional Game". South Central Los Angeles' emphasis on dress, transportation, and sexual prowess in is superior to nearly anywhere else in America. "Where middle-class status, occupation, or office remain largely inaccessible and illusory, the mark of a person, particularly a young man, is what he is, his self and the extensions of that self" (Folb 1980:117). This is why the pimp is a ghetto folk hero; for he embodies all of the qualities that the poor young black male desires. The pimp has cash, cars, clothes and, of course, plenty of women.

Me give my heart to a woman? Not for nothin', never happen. I'll be forever mackin'. Heart cold as assassins, I got no passion. I 'got no patience, and I hate waitin'... (Jay-Z 2000).

The ability of a black teenage male in South Central to either pursue or attract, then control as many females as possible is a big part of his image. The same competitive atmosphere that surrounds the male's interaction with his peers exists when playing the male-female game. However, the addition of a female presence makes the "...game...decidedly sexual in nature. And this sexuality introduces into the game a unique cutting edge, a special electric tension that often accompanies the polarized state between male and female - regardless of culture, geography, or class" (Folb 1980:132). From her fieldwork, Folb learned that most of the teenage male-female relationships she encountered involved a certain degree of exploitation. She also noticed that both men and women are often evaluated by the opposite sex based on their economic potential as well as their sexual accessibility (Folb 1980:133). This gold-digging mentality could be seen as an effort to shorten the road to self-improvement. As one of the male teens Folb spoke to puts it, "I'm gettin' a Cadillac. A Woman's gonna' put me in one" (Folb 1980:133).

Neither marriage nor love is held in very high regard amongst those teens in South Central who spoke with Folb. "Many saw marriage as a form of incarceration.... A vernacular phrase popular with both sexes - you don't have papers on me - is expressive of much teenage reaction to marriage" (Folb 1980:136). To be in love is to be "on a tight leash" or "a turkey on a string". Therefore, amongst the teens interviewed, all were very much in favour of entering into sexual relationships with members of the opposite sex, but thoughts of love and marriage conjured up images of well-trained, restrained animals.

Check it, my weed smoke is my lye. A ki' of coke is a pie. When I'm lifted, I'm high. With new clothes on, I'm fly (Big L1998).

In the book's fifth chapter, Folb turns her attention to the discussion of drugs, which she calls "one of the largest single areas of teenage concern" (Folb 1980:166). Drugs are not an issue restricted to black teens, however, the urban centers tend to bring them to the attention of children of a younger age. Sadly, when dealing with the restrictive, oppressive atmosphere of the ghetto, drug use is expected. Drugs serve as an escape from the persistent struggle and an opportunity for emotional release (Folb 1980:188).

Barbiturates and amphetamines are commonplace and are blessed with so many different names that those who deal them may have accidentally created a dialect of English all their own. Folb points out on page 167 that they can be referred to in terms of the state they leave one in, as in "downers", "stumblers", or "fender benders", or according to the colour of the drug itself, such as "blue angels", "yellow jackets", and "christmas trees".

"The most popular and widely used substance among black teenagers is marijuana" (Folb 1980:169). Marijuana carries with it a great variety of titles, many of which are well known outside the streets of South Central. Great attention is paid to the type of marijuana in question, with "catnip" being a last resort and "Nam black" promising the ultimate high (Folb 1980:170).

Cocaine and heroin have both acquired a few nicknames of their own, but their use and availability are much lesser when compared to the staggering prominence of marijuana and pills. Folb suggests that this could have more to do with the far greater price paid for hard drugs than the teenagers' disinclination to further destroy their bodies and minds.

Liquor is always a popular choice amongst North American teenagers, and this holds true for those living in South Central. The liquor store itself has a number of vernacular names. "Juice house", "rescue station", and "filling station" are just a few of those listed on page 187 of runnin' down some lines. Those able to acquire specialty wines find themselves in a class between those drinking cheap wine, or "sixteen-year-old after shave", and those upperclassmen who have moved on to scotch. Folb assures us that "language will continue to chronicle [the changes in times and morals] and the expressions that characterize drug use, for grown-ups as well as young people" (Folb 1980:188).

Edith A. Folb makes a valid point of the insight into a culture provided by the language used therein. While runnin' down some lines might be too simplistic for serious linguists and urban anthropologists, and at times too specific for the layman, it does make for an overall pleasurable read. "It is through the use of language that we come to learn about the intricate and often conflicting pressures that influence the growth, development, and social perceptions of Inner City youths" (Baugh 1981:477-478). Instead of always trying to find new ways to describe culture, perhaps we should take some time just to listen to it. Careful attention to how a group speaks reveals how that group thinks and feels. There is power in words.